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Our Political Ideal
[Official Court Translation]
"He who is wholly devoid of activity cannot enjoy anything great."
When preparations for a national awakening are begun, no matter in what country or by what nation, a large and liberal political ideal is then required for that purpose. If the noble-minded Rousseau's doctrine of equality had not been preached the stirring aspirations of the French Revolution would not have been able to awaken half-dead France and flood the whole of Europe. Unless America had felt a longing for obtaining the natural rights of man the United States would never have been created. If the sage-like Mazzini had not infused high hopes and liberal ideals in the heart of young Italy that fallen nation would never have been able to cut through the bonds of eternal servitude. Low and narrow ideals, petty hopes, small purpose, insignificant caution and cowardice, and leaders who are shortsighted and wanting in boldness—all these despicable ingredients can never be the fit material for building up national power. No nation ever mounted the high steps of greatness with (literally, taking) these petty ingredients. "The inactive (can) never enjoy great things"—he whose hopes are small (can) never enjoy greatness—men versed in politics ought always to bear in mind this saying of the Mahabharata.
CHILDISHNESS AND THE PRACTICE OF SLAVERY.
Coming (lit. falling) into a clash with Western civilisation we have been for the period of a century incessantly discussing about the attainment of national advancement and political rights. Practically, however, this has led only to retrogression rather than to progress. Leaving aside the gaining of political rights, our political life, commerce, learning, power of thinking and religious spirit have all come to be bound in chains. We have to depend on others for food, for apparel, for education, for political rights, and for the development of (our) intelligence and (our) modes of thinking. There is no limit to our gratefulness to the English for the few toys they have given us. For a nation whose mind and body are both dependent on others, railways, telegraph, electricity, municipality, university, and National Congress, etc., all the discoveries of science, and all things belonging to Western political life, are only toys. No matter how many rights Lord Ripon or Mr. Morley may grant us, that will do injury, and not good to our national life. Those also are nothing but toys. It is only what is obtained by one's own exertion, which is a right, the gift of others does not constitute a right. Hence these rights are not real rights, we have no permanent lien on them; (what) Ripon has given to-day, Curzon will take away to-morrow, at a thousand meetings and associations we shall cry loudly saying, "Alas! our toys are gone, what a great injustice." Childishness is a main symptom of our present political life. Another symptom is the practice of servitude. We are slaves even if we get high posts; the Civilian, the Judge, the Municipal Commissioners, the Chairman of the District Board, the Syndicate of the University, the Member of the Legislative Council wear chains, all of them are playing on the stage wearing chains (of servitude). But then we have become so low-minded that we do not feel ashamed to boast of those chains being made of gold or silver. Slavery has like a thick fog enveloped our entire life. It is a happy thing that (though) we had been dreaming so long, we have now, opening our eyes, been able to realise our low position. The idea, that this all-pervading subjugation cannot be borne any longer, (and that) independence in education, commerce and political life must be earned by any means whatever, is being diffused all over the country. This is what constitutes hope for the future. From this we have understood that we have to awaken, we will not listen to that lullaby any more, we will not mind any obstacle or anybody's prohibition, rise we must.
LOW-MINDEDNESS OF THE NATIONAL CONGRESS.
Why has such been the end of the attempt of a century? Japan has within thirty years been able to become a great nation equal to Western Kingdoms, but we are left in the same darkness as we were in before. What is the cause of this difference? The cause of this is nothing, but the smallness and lowness of our political ideal. It is the evidence of this smallness that we get also when we go and probe into the purpose of the National Congress, which is considered as the highest perfection of our political life.
THE SLAVE'S IMPERTINENCE.
What is the object of the National Congress? Many people are proclaiming this in the name of the object of the National Congress, "The English officials are ruling the country well. But being foreigners they are unable to understand the Indian's feelings (and) hence there are minor defects in the administration. We shall help them in the work of administration by annually informing them of the prayers of the Indians, and only by that means will British administration be faultless." But the officials do not accept this unasked-for help, but rather set it at naught by calling all this the slave's impudence and impertinence of unripe intelligence. Every year the Congress appears uninvited before the officials with the object of helping them, and at last comes back with a load of insult on its head. Even that does not tire out our patience. We say, "Let us go uninvited for the present, perhaps the officials will some day be kind enough to accept our help." Can those, who descend to the field of political activity with this sort of low motive, ever become a highly great nation in this earth which is to be enjoyed by heroes?
PERMANENT RIVALRY.
Some others again, say that the National Congress (constitutes) His Majesty's permanent opposition; (that) just as during the administration of the Conservative party in the British Parliament the Liberal party exist as their rivals, similarly we also constitute a permanent party of opposition of the British officials in this country. It is such permanent opposition which is our ideal. This is also but one of the cants which we have learnt from our English preceptors; just as we want to carry on a constitutional agitation, though there is no constitution, similarly, we accept as the ideal a useless imitation of Parliament, although there is no Parliament. A permanent opposition means a useless opposition. The object of the opposition in Parliament is to itself carry on the administration by driving out the present officials and put in force its (the opposition's) own policy instead of the present policy. The National Congress has neither the power nor the ability to take up this object. Nobody, unless he is an absolute lunatic, consciously engages himself in an undertaking in which there is no hope of success. Hence this ideal is absolutely valueless and unreasonable.
PETTY NATIONAL SELF-INTERESTS.
If our leaders had remained contented only with such very low and valueless objects, then the National Congress would not have lasted even for a day. But there are also another kind of men in the National Congress who can rise even a little higher than this. Their ideal is formed of petty national self-interests, such as simultaneous examinations, admission of elected members into Legislative Councils giving most of the highly paid posts to Indians in order to reduce the Home charges, etc. We say (that) all the demands of the Congress are indeed just. But we ask, can such a great political ideal be built up with this petty self-interest, as will be able to madden the whole of India? Will ever a great national spirit be diffused all over the country with (the help of) these?
THE BLACK SLAVE AND APPLAUSE FOR ORATORY.
The number of Indian Civilians will be increased. What has the country to gain by that? The thirty crores of the people of this country remain the slaves they have been. Though those who will become Civilians will be the lords of their own nation, they will yet be the foreigner's slaves, (and will be) obliged to injure their own nation whenever they are ordered by the officials. It is nothing except that the Government will get a few Black slaves to do the pious work of keeping the Indians sunk in servitude. Or, if members elected by ourselves enter into the Legislative Councils, what good will result from that either? As for displaying oratory and political skill and receiving applause from the officials and the public, individuals may be much benefitted by all this, but there will not be the least (lit. not even a drop) good done to the country; and why should there be? "The masters of the factory will give up their trade and go away leaving their business when we become superior workmen in all these factories of servitude," this strange argument shows only inexperience in politics.
REMEDY FOR POVERTY.
The result of aiming at these petty self-interests is that in going to pursue a wrong path the real work of the country is stopped. Take the terrible poverty of India. (We) admit that if the Home charges are reduced poverty will be lessened to some extent. But our object is not to lessen the poverty by a small degree, it is the complete removal of the poverty which is our object. There are two ways of removing that poverty (viz.) to enact as regards agriculture Permanent Settlement all over India, and to adopt a protective commercial policy as regards commerce. In these circumstances, it should have been the first duty of the Congress to think of nothing else but to try to realise these two demands from the officials first of all. The officials, however, will never listen to that demand. Consequently the next way (is) self-reliance. Proclaim the boycott of British trade all over the country, explain to the crores and crores of agriculturists of India the cause of their own distress and the means of their own salvation. Let (us) see how long the officials can disregard the firm determination of a great nation. But the National Congress shudders at the name of the Boycott (and) even does not want to make any proposal regarding the swadeshi lest the soft heart of the English should be hurt.
THE INTOXICATION OF A HIGH IDEAL.
It is keeping the chain of servitude intact (and) reducing the proportion of iron and increasing those of gold and silver in it that constitutes the ideal of the Congress. If it would have done only to build up our political life with a few middleclass men who are fond of peace and comfort, then only this would have been enough for that purpose. But if the nation has to be brought to life again (we) should rise above this petty and insignificant ideal. Who has for the sake of this ideal ever forgotten himself by being intoxicated with patriotism and given up his real self-interest, or has, defiant of all sorts of terrors and temptations, advanced with great speed in the path of duty? On the other hand, see, when you once showed (us) the heart- enrapturing image of the Mother, then at the sight of that face and at (the hearing of) that name all of us became mad, engaged ourselves in national work after gladly giving up our self-interests, (and) began with smiling faces to go to jail in bands. Will not the leaders come to their senses even at this? Will they not know by this on which side the young sun of India's new life is rising brightening the skies?
CUT THE GOLD CHAIN.
The illusion of the golden chain is to be dispelled (lit. cut off), giving up English imitation and English leadership, we shall have to discover the proper means for the accomplishment of our desire according to our national character and the condition of (our) country. And the newly risen India will have to be shown a noble ideal and thereby infused with a new life. It is this path which is the path of salvation, or else there will be nothing but thraldom (lit. bondage) for us. |